The
fact of the matter is that La Cote D’Ivoire has, since 2012, begun to hasten
slowly on liberalisation, where the state did not intervene in pricing, with
the full backing of the Breton woods folk who, in the first place, persuaded
that country’s government to stop setting prices.
That
country’s government revamped Cocobod’s equivalent – the Coffee and Cocoa Council
– and reinstated guaranteed prices for farmers, whilst establishing a marketing
mechanism involving the forward sale of 70 to 80% of the next year’s crop
through twice-daily auctions.
“These
forward sales auctions – due to end each year in August just before the new
crop starts – allow the establishment of a benchmark price for the next crop
year and ensure a guaranteed minimum share of 60% of the CIF [cost, insurance
and freight] price to farmers,” a report by Agritrade indicates.
So,
La Cote D’Ivoire, which Mahama Ayariga suggested to incoming Agric Minister Dr.
Owusu Afriyie, to emulate, has actually reversed course on liberalisation, and
Ghana would have to carefully consider the pros and cons before taking a
decision on same.
In
a June 18, 2014 article titled: “Ivory Coast cocoa reforms leave bittersweet
taste,” the Financial Times of the UK quotes the CEO of the Coffee and Cocoa
Council, Massandjé Touré-Litsé, as describing the decade of liberalisation as
“a mess,” since smallholder farmers were ill-equipped to negotiate with
middlemen, leading to lower incomes.
In
fact, the IMF, which got that country to pursue liberalisation, was later to
make the reforms that established the Coffee and Cocoa Council in 2012,
condition precedent to a debt relief package for the Alassane Ouattara
government which was elected in November 2010.
But
under the new reforms, La Cote D’Ivoire has done something that has been hailed
by industry watchers: it set up a reserve fund at the Central Bank of West
African States (Banque Centrale des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest – BCEAO) to
cover risks beyond the normal operations of the price guarantee scheme.
This
is meant to support the new marketing arrangements in a fiscally neutral
manner,” Agritrade reports.
In
response to Mahama Ayariga’s suggestion, the incoming Agric Minister, Dr Owusu
Afriyie Akoto said the NPP government will consider the liberalisation idea.
But
for good reason, he cautioned: “Cocoa, in Ghana, is a very sensitive subject.
It is a very conservative arrangement that we have for cocoa. So, one has to
tread very carefully if one wants to change the way things are done. But
definitely it is a suggestion which is attractive and something that is worth
considerate…”
Liberalisation
would mean that the state would have to stop setting producer prices and
relinquish its hold on exports, whilst Ghana Cocoa Board (Cocobod), would,
probably, cease to hold sway over the industry, even though under the current
arrangement, the involvement of Licensed Buying Companies suggests some level
of liberalisation.
Ghana,
the world’s second-biggest cocoa producer, produced between 850,000-900,000
metric tonnes for the 2015-16 season that began October--up from production in
the previous season of about 740,000 metric tonnes.
But
Ghana’s production is hardly half that of its western neighbour, and the two
main political parties – the NDC and the NPP – are often at one another’s
throat regarding which side has let the country down.
“Ghana
has the same land area as Cote D’Ivoire in terms of cocoa
production--1.7million hectares--yet our production is not up to half of that
of Cote d’Ivoire. Our production has been about 800,000 metric tonnes but Coat
D’Ivoire’s production has been between 1.6million -1.7million metric tons,” Dr
Afriyie Akoto said.
The
poor production, he noted, is purely down to underinvestment in the cocoa
sector. “You cannot, based on this statistics, say that the Ghanaian farmer is
lazy. The Ghanaian farmer as I know, is the hardest working person you can find
anywhere in the world. The difference between Cote D’Ivoire and Ghana is that
public resources are streaming into the cocoa sector compared to Ghana, where
we have actually been cutting back. There has been disinvestment in
agriculture.
“All
the resources that are required in terms of the last 8 years when the
government of the NDC took over nearly 4 % of total allocation of budget was
going to the Ministry of Food and Agriculture for agriculture development. That
figure has steadily declined to 1.1% in 2014 and 2015,” he added.
In
his proposal that Ghana should consider liberalising the cocoa sector,
it is not clear whether the outgone Science and Technology Minister,
Mahama Ayariga, is fully apprised of the facts regarding liberalisation
or the lack thereof in La Cote D’Ivoire.
The
fact of the matter is that La Cote D’Ivoire has, since 2012, begun to
hasten slowly on liberalisation, where the state did not intervene in
pricing, with the full backing of the Breton woods folk who, in the
first place, persuaded that country’s government to stop setting prices.
That
country’s government revamped Cocobod’s equivalent – the Coffee and
Cocoa Council – and reinstated guaranteed prices for farmers, whilst
establishing a marketing mechanism involving the forward sale of 70 to
80% of the next year’s crop through twice-daily auctions.
“These
forward sales auctions – due to end each year in August just before the
new crop starts – allow the establishment of a benchmark price for the
next crop year and ensure a guaranteed minimum share of 60% of the CIF
[cost, insurance and freight] price to farmers,” a report by Agritrade
indicates.
So, La Cote D’Ivoire,
which Mahama Ayariga suggested to incoming Agric Minister Dr. Owusu
Afriyie, to emulate, has actually reversed course on liberalisation, and
Ghana would have to carefully consider the pros and cons before taking a
decision on same.
In a June 18, 2014
article titled: “Ivory Coast cocoa reforms leave bittersweet taste,”
the Financial Times of the UK quotes the CEO of the Coffee and Cocoa
Council, Massandjé Touré-Litsé, as describing the decade of
liberalisation as “a mess,” since smallholder farmers were ill-equipped
to negotiate with middlemen, leading to lower incomes.
In
fact, the IMF, which got that country to pursue liberalisation, was
later to make the reforms that established the Coffee and Cocoa Council
in 2012, condition precedent to a debt relief package for the Alassane
Ouattara government which was elected in November 2010.
But
under the new reforms, La Cote D’Ivoire has done something that has
been hailed by industry watchers: it set up a reserve fund at the
Central Bank of West African States (Banque Centrale des États de
l’Afrique de l’Ouest – BCEAO) to cover risks beyond the normal
operations of the price guarantee scheme.
This is meant to support the new marketing arrangements in a fiscally neutral manner,” Agritrade reports.
In
response to Mahama Ayariga’s suggestion, the incoming Agric Minister,
Dr Owusu Afriyie Akoto said the NPP government will consider the
liberalisation idea.
But for good
reason, he cautioned: “Cocoa, in Ghana, is a very sensitive subject. It
is a very conservative arrangement that we have for cocoa. So, one has
to tread very carefully if one wants to change the way things are done.
But definitely it is a suggestion which is attractive and something that
is worth considerate…”
Liberalisation
would mean that the state would have to stop setting producer prices
and relinquish its hold on exports, whilst Ghana Cocoa Board (Cocobod),
would, probably, cease to hold sway over the industry, even though under
the current arrangement, the involvement of Licensed Buying Companies
suggests some level of liberalisation.
Ghana,
the world’s second-biggest cocoa producer, produced between
850,000-900,000 metric tonnes for the 2015-16 season that began
October--up from production in the previous season of about 740,000
metric tonnes.
But Ghana’s production
is hardly half that of its western neighbour, and the two main
political parties – the NDC and the NPP – are often at one another’s
throat regarding which side has let the country down.
“Ghana
has the same land area as Cote D’Ivoire in terms of cocoa
production--1.7million hectares--yet our production is not up to half of
that of Cote d’Ivoire. Our production has been about 800,000 metric
tonnes but Coat D’Ivoire’s production has been between 1.6million
-1.7million metric tons,” Dr Afriyie Akoto said.
The
poor production, he noted, is purely down to underinvestment in the
cocoa sector. “You cannot, based on this statistics, say that the
Ghanaian farmer is lazy. The Ghanaian farmer as I know, is the hardest
working person you can find anywhere in the world. The difference
between Cote D’Ivoire and Ghana is that public resources are streaming
into the cocoa sector compared to Ghana, where we have actually been
cutting back. There has been disinvestment in agriculture.
“All
the resources that are required in terms of the last 8 years when the
government of the NDC took over nearly 4 % of total allocation of budget
was going to the Ministry of Food and Agriculture for agriculture
development. That figure has steadily declined to 1.1% in 2014 and
2015,” he added.
- See more at: http://thebftonline.com/commodities/cocoa/22758/cocoa-libralisation-or-chaos.html#sthash.AHt464VD.dpuf
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